Hanna vs Joe contrasting roles in Agelsin America :: essays papers

Hanna vs Joe contrasting roles in Agelsin America In Tony Kushners to part play, Angels in America, readers are introduced to a closeted gay man, Joe Pitt and are exposed to his relationship with his Mormon mother, Hannah. An underlying conflict occurs when Hannah finds out her son is a homosexual; a problem which forces her to question her love and acceptance towards her son and her strong Mormon anti gay sentiments and beliefs. This conflict between mother and son helps Kushner illustrate the complexity of sexuality and the changing views of homosexuality. The conflict between Joe and Hannah initially arises when Joe tells is mom for the first time that he is gay. Joe's mother is Mormon and Joe himself is born and raised Mormon. The religious prohibits homosexuality and this, Hannah is in shock when Joe tells her what is going on. It is even more shocking due to the fact that Joe is presumably happily married to Harper, also a Mormon. During This discussion with his mother, Joe tries to point the finger at his father who Joe claims didn't love him enough and might have "caused" his homosexuality. Hannah can not seem to deal with the situation and delves into extreme denial. She hangs up the phone thinking the conversation came from Joe just being drunk. Hannah's Mormon background embedded in her strict beliefs about traditional love and marriages and the idea that being gay is unnatural and devilish. This background doesn't allow her to accept Joe's sexuality. It is in this upheaval that Hannah moves from Salt Lake City to New York in hopes to save her son and his dying marriage. Her arrival, However only makes the situation worse. She carries out responsibility as a mother-in-law and takes care of the abandonment and valium-dependant Harper and manages at the same time to dive Joe completely out of the picture. By the second part of the play, Hannah is working at a Mormons visitor center in New York and simultaneously taking care of Harper. Joe meanwhile is beginning his first relationship with a man, Louis. Both Joe and Hannah are opening up; Joe living out his homosexual tendencies and Hannah being exposed to absurd circumstances such as the meeting of prior. Prior in many ways becomes Hannah's first real recognition of homosexuality. Prior, who is surviving with A. I. D. S visits the Mormon center, where he falls severely ill and ends up being saved by Hannah.

Political Economy in the Asia Pacific

The political economy of countries can be considered interdependent, as they influence each other and experience change simultaneously. This interdependency affects the level of economic wellbeing of countries, including the economic conditions and stability of a country. The political economy of a country encompasses the political, legal and economic systems influencing the country’s economy. Jevons (1880) described political economy as the wealth of a country and the reasons contributing to differences in wealth between countries (p. 7).The political system of a country heavily influences the way in which a country operates, and often affects other countries that it actively deals with. Differing legal systems, laws and regulations of countries can also impact other countries. Similarly, the economic systems and changes in a country’s economic position can impact other countries, and at times, their economic wellbeing. Whilst the political, legal and economic systems of some countries are interdependent, disruptions to interdependency must also be considered when assessing those countries’ reliance on each other.Several factors can hinder their interdependency, including comparative advantage not being followed, a strong focus on regionalism and inefficient free trade agreements. Political decisions imposed by Governments can affect the political economy and often the wellbeing of countries. Government decisions, including laws and policies, affect society as a whole (Hill, Cronk, & Wickramasekera, 2011, p. 236). There are two main forms of political systems: democracy and totalitarianism.Democracy is a system where the citizens govern the country through their elected representatives (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 245). Examples of democratic countries in the Asia Pacific business region include Australia and Thailand (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2008) (U. S Department of State, n. d. ). Totalitarianism refers to a system where one person or political party has control over all citizens, restricting political freedom (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 245). Totalitarianism is seen in China and North Korea (Jianming, 2010, p. 2) (Lim, 2009, p. 10-114). These differing political systems can affect economic relations between countries. An example of this is the view that democratic countries are more willing to trade and participate in international business with other democracies, than with totalitarianism countries. Democracies share similar values and laws on intellectual property rights. It is also believed that peace is more prevalent in democracies, enabling a higher ease of trade (Rosendorff, P. 2000). We see this in Australia’s preference for trade with the US rather than with China.In September 2010, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade reported that Australia had an ‘economic relationship’ (measured on trade in commodities, services and two-way investment) with the US worth over AUD$860 billion, compared to less than AUD$100 billion with China. The strength of the economic relationship between Australia and the US is believed to relate to each countries’ strong democratic values and from the US and Australia being strong allies, due to similar political practices (Sheridan, 2011). The varying political decisions and policies made by Governments can also impact other countries.With globalisation being so prominent today, the interdependency of a country’s political decisions is apparent. Globalisation dramatically increased after World War II, with many of the worlds’ major trading countries lowering trade barriers, including tariffs and quotas, after years of favoring local industries (Griffin & Pustay, 2010, p. 38). According to Friedman (2000) globalisation is defined as ‘the inexorable integration of markets, nation-states, and technologies†¦in a way that enables individuals, corporations and nation-states to reach around the wor ld farther, faster, deeper, and cheaper than ever before’ (p. ). This integration of economies suggests that Government decisions affect the economic wellbeing of other countries. An example of this is the recent temporary ban of live cattle exports by the Gillard Government in Australia, in response to perceived animal cruelty towards Australian cattle in Indonesian abattoirs. David Farley, CEO of the Australian Agricultural Company, Australia’s largest beef company, reported that the ban cost the company up to AUD$8 million. He also stated that Australia’s reputation in the international trading market was damaged by the temporary ban (O’Brien, 2012).The political decision to temporarily ban live exports to Indonesia caused financial loss for the Australian cattle industry and affected Australia’s political relations with Indonesia, with the Indonesian Government stopping imports of live cattle from Australia in December. Bayu Krisnamurthi, the D eputy Agriculture Minister of Indonesia, commented that Australia had discriminated against Indonesia by imposing new standards of animal welfare, as the same standards were not imposed on other countries importing live cattle.He threatened to file a claim with the World Trade Organization if discrimination occurred (Vasek & AAP, 2011). Whilst live exports to Indonesia has resumed, their imports are down by 50 percent and relations between Australia and Indonesia are affected. The incident damaged Australia’s economy and forced beef prices to rise in Indonesian markets (Nirmala, 2012). This illustrates the interdependency of Australia and Indonesia, with disruptions to trade affecting the political economy of both countries.It is evident that the political risk of Australia and Indonesia has increased. Political risk is the likelihood of political groups (Government and non-government groups) causing changes in a country’s ability to successfully participate in busines s activities, which may affect profits and goals of local and international businesses (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 266). Animals Australia and the Gillard Government both contributed to the live cattle export ban (Animals Australia, 2011), which in turn affected the profits of Australian beef companies.Businesses in the beef industry (or similar) may re-consider business dealings with Australian beef companies as they re-assess the political risk of trading with Australia. This may also result in Australia seeking markets elsewhere to sustain a profitable beef industry. As Governments implement differing political systems and decisions, other countries are affected, often in an unfavorable way. The differing legal systems between countries can impact dealings between countries and international businesses.The legal system of a country reflects the rules and laws imposed to manage society and behavior (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 253). A firm conducting business in a foreign country must ensu re the laws of the host country are followed, as well as continuing to meet the legal requirements of the home country (Griffin & Pustay, 2010, p. 78). Four main legal systems are prominent today: common law, civil law, religious law and bureaucratic law (Griffin & Pustay, 2010, p. 79). Common law is present in many countries is the Asia Pacific business region, including Australia, India, New Zealand, Hong Kong and Malaysia.Common law is based on judges’ decisions, creating legal precedents which assist in creating new laws and making future judgments (Griffin & Pustay, 2010, p. 79). Civil law is a legal system based on laws that have been set in a code system. It is different to common law, as judges do not have flexibility to interpret the law as the laws are already prescribed in the code system. Civil law is currently present is Japan (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 254). Religious law, or theocratic law, is a legal system that is based on the rules of a particular religion.Reli gious law is not common in the Asia Pacific region (Griffin & Pustay, 2010, p. 79). Bureaucratic law is a legal system where decisions are made by the country’s bureaucrats, often without taking the laws of the country into consideration. Communism and other forms of dictatorships are regularly compared to bureaucratic law. China is an example of a country where bureaucratic law is imposed (Griffin & Pustay, 2010, p. 81). It is apparent there are strong differences between the legal systems of countries in the Asia Pacific, which can affect businesses operating internationally.For example, in a recently merged Australian and Chinese company, King & Wood Mallesons, Stuart Fuller, the company’s chief executive, stated that China’s Ministry of Justice requirement for all lawyers to pledge allegiance to the Chinese Communist Party will not affect the company’s business dealings or clients (Sainsbury, 2012). However, this could affect lawyers who have not prev iously worked under the Chinese Communist Party, as they are pledging to uphold communist laws, which differ from Australian laws and values.This could also affect the perception of the company by international clients, whose values may differ from that of the Chinese Communist Party. Hence, it is evident that differing legal systems potentially influence operations between international businesses. New laws can also influence business dealings between countries. Indian companies have expressed concerns over the Australian carbon and mining taxes that are set to be implemented in 2012. Naveen Jindal, Indian parliamentarian and head of Jindal Steel and Power, believes the taxes will deter Indian companies from investing in Australian mining (and similar) companies.He stated, â€Å"The carbon tax is as much of a concern to Indian companies as it is to Australian companies† (Doherty & Ker, 2012). Thus tax laws in one country can also affect another country’s economy, with a potential loss of investment opportunities and profits for both parties. It can also be seen that while a law designed for one purpose (in this case, the taxes are to help stop climate change) (Clean Energy Future, 2012) it can ultimately affect another area of a country’s economy – in this case, foreign investment.There have been circumstances where legal requirements imposed for one purpose have actually been seen as an ‘excuse’ for deterring trade or investment. In 2009, the Malaysian Palm Oil Council, on behalf of the biggest palm oil producers in the world — Malaysia and Indonesia – filed a case against the European Union (EU) for introducing sustainability criteria for palm oil imports. The Council believed that the criteria was actually a barrier to the trade of biofuel, based on the EU wanting to continue support for home-grown rapeseed oil, currently subsidised by the EU (Junginger, Dam, Zarrilli, Mohamed, Marchal & Faaij, 2011, p . 028-2042). It can be recognised that the EU may have been wishing to protect the home industry and jobs, which generally results in increased costs for consumers (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 109). In disguising the true intentions of laws, a country’s trading relationships can be affected. Thus differing legal systems, laws and requirements can affect, and often hinder the progress, of international business dealings. The economic position of one country can impact other countries and international businesses.Economic systems can be described as the system by which a country organises how and what should be produced, whom to produce for and how funds should be distributed (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 203). There are three main economic systems: market economies, command economies and mixed economies. A market economy is when production activities are privately owned, and the quantity to be produced is based on supply and demand and is determined by an individual or business for profi t making purposes (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 304).In a command economy, the Government determines what goods and services are sold, the prices that items are sold for and the quantities to be produced (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 304). A mixed economy is a combination of both market and command economies, with both private and state ownership controlling the production of goods and services (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 305). It is believed that a country’s economic system directly relates to its’ economic development and wellbeing and some argue that market economies provide greater opportunities for economic development and growth, hence creating a stronger economy (Hill et al. 2011, p. 306-307). This can be seen when comparing Malaysia and Singapore as the country’s systems greatly differ. When the ASEAN and China agreement was put into effect in January 2010, the Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Malaysia (ACCCIM) called for a limit of 10 percent in annual growth of the amount of imports from China. This was due to protection of Malay’s as manufacturers found it difficult to compete against cheap Chinese products (Ng, F. , 2010).This shows Malaysia’s economic system reflects command economy characteristics, as there is control over what is imported, which in turn could limit profits due to restrictions. Singapore is evidently more of a market economy. Singapore is considered a very ‘open’ country in relation to trade, therefore depending on international trade (Global Trade, 2012). The World Bank has stated that Singapore is the easiest country to conduct business with, with the openness of trade and aim to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) being contributing factors (The World Bank, 2009).Since signing a free trade agreement with the US, Singapore has imposed competition laws that restrict anti-competitive regulations. The Ministry of Trade and Industry in Singapore stated that by encouraging c ompetition, they would be able to encourage the ‘efficient functioning of the markets’. This move resulted in foreign lawyers and barristers to pursue work opportunities in Singapore (Sawyer, D. , 2006). By comparing Singapore and Malaysia, it can be viewed that market economies (such as Singapore) have greater potential for economic growth.Currency fluctuations can affect countries with interdependent economies when a change in the value of one currency affects other currencies. Indonesia’s economy was considered to be competitively growing from 1966 – 2007, based on the country’s commitment to lowering poverty through rural development and increased production in the rice industry. However, the Asian Financial Crisis from 1997-2000 caused poverty in Indonesia to rise, while GDP drastically decreased (Fatah, Othman & Abdullah, 2012, p. 291-299).The high economic growth of Asian countries directly contributed to the crisis, mainly through an increas e in investment, excess capacity, high levels of debt and increased imports. As borrowing and investments grew, companies were unable to service their debts (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 176). When the Thai Baht fell by 55 percent in 1998, other Asian currencies were deeply affected, including the Indonesian rupiah, which decreased 76 percent in 6 months. The decline of the Indonesian economy forced the Government to accept a loan of US$37 billion from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Hill et al. , 2011, p. 177). The consequences of rapidly expanding Asian economies and the impact of decreasing currencies on each country was evident during the Asian Financial Crisis. The economic interdependency between countries had a negative impact on other economies, affecting their economic wellbeing as their economic position declined. Although the political economy of countries is generally interdependent, there are factors that deter interdependency from completely occurring. For interdepende ncy to function best, comparative advantage should be allowed to operate.David Ricardo developed the theory of comparative advantage in the 19th century and suggested that a country should produce and export goods and services that it is relatively more productive at producing than other countries, and import goods and services that are more productively made by other countries (Ricardo, 1817). Through their comparative advantage, countries benefit economically from participating in trade. This also suggests that free and open trade between countries is positive for economic progression (Hill et al. , 2011, p. 65).However, this theory is not always practised since Government political decisions can prevent its effectiveness. On 22 March, 2012 automaker Holden received a AUD$275 million government subsidy to continue to operate its Australian factories, in order to maintain jobs (Straits Times, 2012). According to Chris Berg, â€Å"Less than half of one per cent of the labour force works for the car industry and car manufacturers are not particularly central to the economic structure, cars are not†¦hard to buy from overseas and their manufacturing is not particularly high-tech† (Berg, 2012).Thus Australia is not following comparative advantage in the car manufacturing industry, with the reliance of Government subsidies helping to continue production and maintain jobs. This can be compared to Thailand, with car manufacturing production hugely increasing due to low labour costs (Bangkok Post, 2011). As export demand has increased, production has increased, with an 11 percent rise in the last year (Bangkok Post, 2012). Surapong Paisittanapong, spokesperson of the Automotive Industry Club under the Federation of Thai Industries (FTI), commented, â€Å"We're confident that total auto production this year will reach 2. million units† (Viboonchart, 2012). Perhaps Australia ought to increase its imports from Thai car manufacturers rather than providi ng subsidies to Australian companies, assuming Thai cars are cheaper than the overall cost of producing an Australian car. Although countries can be seen as interdependent, barriers are often imposed to protect local industries and jobs, discouraging the comparative advantage theory and potentially affecting economic progression and wellbeing. Another factor that contributes to countries not reaching full interdependency is the focus on regionalism.Regionalism is a method of opening trade amongst neighboring countries and is viewed positively as not only extending markets to neighboring countries, but as strengthening regional security and delaying globalisation. By forming close regional communities, countries can form trade agreements and other mechanisms that protect the region from the threats of globalisation, and still prosper economically through increased local business between countries in the region (Moshirian, 2009, p. 2-8).However, this push for regionalism may be obscur ing some Asian countries’ economy’s ability to achieve higher profits, as the countries are still heavily reliant on other countries in different regions. We see this in the ASEAN official data release 2010, which shows that Singapore still exports 27. 97 percent of its’ total exports to countries in the EU (ASEAN Community in Figures (ACIF), 2010). This reliance demonstrates that partner countries are often unable to consume each other’s goods and therefore must export goods to other markets, outside of their own region.Whilst regionalism is still a form of interdependency between countries, the focus is on increasing business between neighbouring countries rather than all countries. Another exception to the interdependency of countries is when free trade agreements (FTA) are not efficient. The increase in free trade agreements since the end of the cold war across the world, predominantly in the Asia-Pacific, suggests countries depend on each otherâ€⠄¢s business for economic growth (Suominen, 2009). The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) began as a forum in 1989, before becoming a regional trade agreement (RTA) in 1993.APEC’s main goal is to establish free and open trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific (APEC, 2012). However, trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific region have favored the manufacturing sector, with low tariffs and more freedom to trade, as compared to the agriculture sector, which has seen a high degree of protectionism from Governments in order to protect industry and jobs. This suggests that APEC’s goal is not entirely being reached (Suominen, 2009). Whilst FTA’s are effective in theory, Government intervention suggests that complete free trade is not apparent, thus obstructing the interdependency of countries to a certain extent.It is evident the interdependency of countries can be attributed to the political economy, that is, the political, legal and economic systems and position, of a country. Decisions made by Governments often affect other countries, and at times have adverse implications. A country’s legal system can both restrict and open up opportunities for other countries. Growing regionalism in areas such as Asia means there are closer economic ties between countries in the immediate region. The fluctuating strength of one economy can affect its regional partners, particularly in relation to currencies and interest rates.Whilst there are clearly benefits to be gained from a strong interdependency and reliance on other countries, there are also factors that hinder complete interdependency. When countries do not follow comparative advantage, or engage in inefficient free trade agreements, some of the potential benefits of interdependency can be lost. Often governments interfere in markets for their own political, legal and economic reasons, and the perceived opportunities that should flow from regionalism and other frameworks such as FTA’ s are not realised.

‘Manhunt’ written by Simon Armitage Essay

Introduction: In the poem ‘manhunt’ written by Simon Armitage, the poet uses form, structure and linguistic devices to convey the meaning of the poem. As the title of the poem suggests, the poem is written from the perspective a woman trying to find the person her husband was once, before he got injured. This poem explaines how War can cause Physical, emotional and psychological pain and how that can affect an intimate relationship. Structure: 13 stanzas of couplets each with irregular rhyme and rythm, which emphasises how mixed up and irregular their lives are as a result of the war. Structure: The poet also uses structure effectively to convey the meaning of the poem. As he introduces Different injuries in each couplet. Structure: The reader explores the husband’s body and mind the same way the wife has done. Each stanza consists of only two lines, this could represent how carefully the wife has to be around the husband in order not to hurt him, or to trigger a horrific memory of the past. The repetition of ‘and’ in several stanzas shows that this is an active process and only can the wife try and help her husband a little. The repetition of ‘only then†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ suggests the slow painstaking process of trying to mend his wounds. Language: Armitage uses imagery effectively to portray the meaning of the poem, this is done by the use of metaphors , ‘the damaged, porcelain collar-bone’ this quote is saying how precious his collar bone is, and how breakable it is. The ‘porcelain’ emphasises how fragile her husband is and how careful she has to be around him.The poet cleverly uses a recount style that allows the speaker to reflect on her relationship with her husband. Evidence to support this is when she speaks of â€Å"the frozen river that ran through his face† the use of metaphors is powerful and emotive and highlights her feeling at this time.‘The parachute silk of his punctured lung’ is another metaphor used to describe the man’s injuries. Parachutes are used in military, a punctured parachute will be useless as it will not do its job. This could suggest that the man is now, in this state, no use as he feels nothing, againg going back to ‘the frozen river which ran through his face’ indicating everything has stopped and not moving – he has no emotions. My personal Opinion: In conclusion this poem makes me feel sympathetic because of their situation. A quote to support this is: â€Å"the hurt of his grazed heart† which conveys pain to the reader.

The Host Chapter 58: Finished

I was so tightly wound that I shrieked in terror; I was so terrified that my shriek was only a breathless little squeal. â€Å"Sorry!† Jared's arm went around my shoulders, comforting. â€Å"I'm sorry. I didn't mean to scare you.† â€Å"What are you doing here?† I demanded, still breathless. â€Å"Following you. I've been following you all night.† â€Å"Well, stop it now.† There was a hesitation in the dark, and his arm didn't move. I shrugged out from under it, but he caught my wrist. His grip was firm; I wouldn't be able to shake free easily. â€Å"You're going to see Doc?† he asked, and there was no confusion in the question. It was obvious that he wasn't talking about a social visit. â€Å"Of course I am.† I hissed the words so that he wouldn't hear the panic in my voice. â€Å"What else can I do after today? It's not going to get any better. And this isn't Jeb's decision to make.† â€Å"I know. I'm on your side.† It made me angry that these words still had the power to hurt me, to bring tears stinging into my eyes. I tried to hold on to the thought of Ian-he was the anchor, as Kyle somehow had been for Sunny-but it was hard with Jared's hand touching me, with the smell of him in my nose. Like trying to make out the song of one violin when the entire percussion section was bashing away†¦ â€Å"Then let me go, Jared. Go away. I want to be alone.† The words came out fierce and fast and hard. It was easy to hear that they weren't lies. â€Å"I should come with you.† â€Å"You'll have Melanie back soon enough,† I snapped. â€Å"I'm only asking for a few minutes, Jared. Give me that much.† Another pause; his hand didn't loosen. â€Å"Wanda, I would come to be with you.† The tears spilled over. I was grateful for the darkness. â€Å"It wouldn't feel that way,† I whispered. â€Å"So there's no point.† Of course Jared could not be allowed to be there. Only Doc could be trusted. Only he had promised me. And I wasn't leaving this planet. I wasn't going to go live as a Dolphin or a Flower, always grieving for the loves I'd left behind me, all dead by the time I opened my eyes again-if I even had eyes. This was my planet, and they wouldn't make me leave. I would stay in the dirt, in the dark grotto with my friends. A human grave for the human I had become. â€Å"But Wanda, I†¦ There's so much that I need to say to you.† â€Å"I don't want your gratitude, Jared. Trust me on that.† â€Å"What do you want?† he whispered, his voice strained and choked. â€Å"I would give you anything.† â€Å"Take care of my family. Don't let the others kill them.† â€Å"Of course I'll take care of them.† He dismissed my request brusquely. â€Å"I meant you. What can I give you?† â€Å"I can't take anything with me, Jared.† â€Å"Not even a memory, Wanda? What do you want?† I brushed the tears away with my free hand, but others took their place too quickly for it to matter. No, I couldn't take even a memory. â€Å"What can I give you, Wanda?† he insisted. I took a deep breath and tried to keep my voice steady. â€Å"Give me a lie, Jared. Tell me you want me to stay.† There was no hesitation this time. His arms wound around me in the dark, held me securely against his chest. He pressed his lips against my forehead, and I felt his breath move my hair when he spoke. Melanie was holding her breath in my head. She was trying to bury herself again, trying to give me my freedom for these last minutes. Maybe she was afraid to listen to these lies. She wouldn't want this memory when I was gone. â€Å"Stay here, Wanda. With us. With me. I don't want you to go. Please. I can't imagine having you gone. I can't see that. I don't know how to†¦ how to†¦Ã¢â‚¬  His voice broke. He was a very good liar. And he must have been very, very sure of me to say those things. I rested against him for a moment, but I could feel the time pulling me away. Time was up. Time was up. â€Å"Thank you,† I whispered, and I tried to extricate myself. His arms tightened. â€Å"I'm not done.† Our faces were only inches apart. He closed the distance, and even here, on the edge of my last breath on this planet, I couldn't help responding. Gasoline and an open flame-we exploded again. It wasn't the same, though. I could feel that. This was for me. It was my name that he gasped when he held this body-and he thought of it as my body, thought of it as me. I could feel the difference. For one moment, it was just us, just Wanderer and Jared, both of us burning. No one had ever lied better than Jared lied with his body in my last minutes, and for that I was grateful. I couldn't take it with me, because I wasn't going anywhere, but it eased some of the pain of leaving. I could believe the lie. I could believe that he would miss me so much that it might even mar some of his joy. I shouldn't want that, but it felt good to believe it anyway. I couldn't ignore the time, the seconds ticking like a countdown. Even on fire, I could feel them dragging at me, sucking me down the dark corridor. Taking me away from all this heat and feeling. I managed to pull my lips away from his. We panted in the dark, our breath warm on each other's faces. â€Å"Thank you,† I said again. â€Å"Wait†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"I can't. I can't†¦ bear any more. Okay?† â€Å"Okay,† he whispered. â€Å"I just want one more thing. Let me do this alone. Please?† â€Å"If†¦ if you're sure that's what you want†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He trailed off, unsure. â€Å"It's what I need, Jared.† â€Å"Then I'll stay here,† he said hoarsely. â€Å"I'll send Doc to get you when it's over.† His arms were still locked around me. â€Å"You know that Ian is going to try to kill me for letting you do this? Maybe I should let him. And Jamie. He'll never forgive either of us.† â€Å"I can't think about them right now. Please. Let me go.† Slowly, with a palpable reluctance that warmed some of the cold emptiness in the center of my body, Jared let his arms slide away. â€Å"I love you, Wanda.† I sighed. â€Å"Thanks, Jared. You know how much I love you. With my whole heart.† Heart and soul. Not the same thing, in my case. I'd been divided too long. It was time to make something whole again, make a whole person. Even if that excluded me. The ticking seconds pulled me toward the end. It was cold when he no longer held me. It got colder every step I took away from him. Just my imagination, of course. It was still summer here. It would always be summer here for me. â€Å"What happens here when it rains, Jared?† I whispered. â€Å"Where do people sleep?† It took him a moment to answer, and I could hear tears in his voice. â€Å"We†¦Ã¢â‚¬  He swallowed. â€Å"We all move into the game room. Everyone sleeps in there together.† I nodded to myself. I wondered what the atmosphere would be like. Awkward, with all the conflicting personalities? Or was it fun? A change? Like a slumber party? â€Å"Why?† he whispered. â€Å"I just wanted to†¦ imagine. How it will be.† Life and love would go on. Even though it would happen without me, the idea brought me joy. â€Å"Goodbye, Jared. Mel says she'll see you soon.† Liar. â€Å"Wait†¦ Wanda†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I hurried down the tunnel, hurried away from any chance that he might, with his grateful lies, convince me not to go. There was only silence behind me. His pain did not hurt me the way Ian's had. For Jared, pain would be over soon. Joy was only minutes away. The happy ending. The southern tunnel felt only a few yards long. I could see the bright lantern burning ahead, and I knew Doc was waiting for me. I walked into the room that had always frightened me with my shoulders squared. Doc had everything prepared. In the dimmest corner, I could see two cots pushed together, Kyle snoring with his arm around Jodi's motionless form. His other arm was still curled around Sunny's tank. She would have liked that. I wished there was some way to tell her. â€Å"Hey, Doc,† I whispered. He looked up from the table where he was setting out the medicine. There were already tears streaming down his face. And suddenly, I was brave. My heart slowed to an even pace. My breath deepened and relaxed. The hardest parts were over. I had done this before. Many times. I had closed my eyes and gone away. Always knowing new eyes would open again, but still. This was familiar. Nothing to fear. I went to the cot and hopped up so that I was sitting on it. I reached for the No Pain with steady hands and screwed the lid off. I put the little tissue square on my tongue, let it dissolve. There was no change. I wasn't in any pain this time. No physical pain. â€Å"Tell me something, Doc. What's your real name?† I wanted to answer all the little puzzles before the end. Doc sniffed and wiped the back of his hand under his eyes. â€Å"Eustace. It's a family name, and my parents were cruel people.† I laughed once. Then I sighed. â€Å"Jared's waiting, back by the big cave. I promised him you'd tell him when it was over. Just wait until I-until I†¦ stop moving, okay? It will be too late for him to do anything about my decision then.† â€Å"I don't want to do this, Wanda.† â€Å"I know. Thanks for that, Doc. But I'm holding you to your promise.† â€Å"Please?† â€Å"No. You gave me your word. I did my part, didn't I?† â€Å"You did.† â€Å"Then do yours. Let me stay with Walt and Wes.† His thin face worked as he tried to keep back a sob. â€Å"Will you be†¦ in pain?† â€Å"No, Doc,† I lied. â€Å"I won't feel anything.† I waited for the euphoria to come, for the No Pain to set everything glowing the way it had the last time. I still didn't feel any difference. It must not have been the No Pain after all-it had just been being loved. I sighed again. I stretched out on the cot, on my stomach, and turned my face toward him. â€Å"Put me under, Doc.† The bottle opened. I heard him shake it onto the cloth in his hand. â€Å"You are the noblest, purest creature I've ever met. The universe will be a darker place without you,† he whispered. These were his words over my grave, my epitaph, and I was glad that I got to hear them. Thank you, Wanda. My sister. I will never forget you. Be happy, Mel. Enjoy it all. Appreciate it for me. I will, she promised. Bye, we thought together. Doc's hand pressed the cloth gently over my face. I breathed in deeply, ignoring the thick, uncomfortable scent. As I took another breath, I saw the three stars again. They were not calling to me; they were letting me go, leaving me to the black universe I had wandered for so many lifetimes. I drifted into the black, and it got brighter and brighter. It wasn't black at all-it was blue. Warm, vibrant, brilliant blue†¦ I floated into it with no fear at all.

New Labour claims to be ‘tackling domestic violence on every front’ (Home Office 2000)

In 1999, the Government published ‘Living Without Fear: An Integrated Approach to reducing domestic violence', outlining their commitment to reducing the incidence of violence against women and the strategy for accomplishing this. Safe housing is a basic human need. As many women are dependent upon a man for this necessity, the choice between unsafe housing or homelessness is often unrealisable. The majority of safe accommodation for women escaping violent relationships is provided by the voluntary sector with little support from the state. Safe housing is a crucial element for women leaving violent partners. ‘The need for both temporary and permanent secure accommodation for women and children who have left home because of violence must be paramount' (Harwin and Brown 2000 p219) In this essay, I plan to review the history of safe housing provision for women in the UK and look at the influence of the Women's Aid movement, the role of local authorities and the influence of the Conservative governments. Then I will assess the welfare needs of vulnerable women and children – what housing support do women escaping violent relationships need? Do different ethnic groups have different needs? Following that, Labour's focus upon domestic violence will be analysed and I will assess whether this emphasis has produced any real changes for women in terms of housing and homelessness. In term of housing, Dobash and Dobash (2000) developed four conditions under which an abused woman is able to be safe: 1. Her male partner ceases his violence and lives peacefully; 2. The woman escapes to refuge where she can live free of violence, albeit only temporarily; 3. The man is successfully evicted from the matrimonial home, remains away and does not harass her, or; 4. The woman is safely rehoused in another home and is not pursued or harassed in her new location. (Dobash and Dobash 2000 p200) The Government's pledge represents significant statutory commitment to this issue for the first time – do Labour's promises reflect real change? Firstly, to look at the history of safe housing provision for women in the UK. Traditionally, it has been thought that the state ought not to interfere in family life; domestic violence therefore raises questions about the position of the state in the private sphere of the family (Wasoff and Day 2000). Even relatively recently, the prevalence of this attitude can be identified. During the thirteen years of Conservative government during the 1980s and 90s, an emphasis was placed upon the important role played by the nuclear family unit and policy encouraged ‘traditional family values' and stigmatised groups such as single parents. Policy objectives of the time were directed at ‘tackling the problem' which tended to express a ‘problem family' orientation towards reducing recurrences of abuse of violence. Consequently, this approach underplayed policies aimed towards prevention or the enforcement of victim's rights. The feminist refuge movement was established in the 1970s, previous to this there was no provision and women leaving a violent partner had to rely on the informal sector for support from family or friends. Domestic violence was not regarded as a sufficient reason for homelessness and any input from statutory agencies such as the police or social service departments was geared towards reconciliation (Morley 2000). The women's refuge movement began with a few houses offering sanctuary to women organised on ‘self-help' principles. Somerville (2000) notes the influence of the movement upon public perceptions of domestic violence that led to major changes in public policy. Consequently, there has been a huge amount of legislative change. This began with the Domestic Violence Act (1976) which allowed a woman to obtain a court order to excluded her violent partner from the home and the Housing (Homelessness) Act (1977) made it a duty for local authorities to house women made homeless as a result of domestic violence. However, whilst this was an enormous step forward, in reality women had a difficult time ‘proving' violence. Due to the nature of domestic violence, there are rarely witnesses. The wording of the1977 Act was ambivalent and open to misinterpretation, less than half of refuge groups felt that it had improved women's housing prospects (Morley 2000 p233), this was largely due to inconsistencies in legislative interpretation. Surveys such as Jayne Mooney's study into domestic violence in North London (1994) revealed high levels of domestic violence, this put pressure on the government to make more legislative changes. Changes in policing emphasised the importance of protecting the victim and taking strong positive action against the perpetrator. Similarly, social service departments made an ‘about face', recognising the importance of empowering mothers, rather than threatening them with the removal of their children. However, whilst the 1990s have been regarded as a period of significant development in terms of public awareness of domestic violence (Hague 1999), The Housing Act (1996) has been seen by some as a step backwards. This legislation removed the right of those defined as ‘statutorily homeless' to be housed permanently. Local authorities can only offer permanent accommodation to those registered on the council housing list; those escaping domestic violence are now merely entitled to temporary accommodation. The legislation gave local authorities the power to refuse housing to any person believed to have suitable accommodation elsewhere, this especially affects women from ethnic minority groups who could be assessed as having access to housing in another country (Harwin and Brown 2000). Obviously, this had consequences for many made homeless as a result of violence. Section 180 of the 1996 Act made local authority funding for refuges a duty. As a result, an average 37% of refuge income is received from this source but has brought with it its own disadvantages. Women's Aid (2000a) note that some local authorities fail to comply or set conditions which ‘undermine strategies for ensuring the safety of abused women and children' as well as putting pressure upon refuges to only take local women. That aside, as mentioned earlier, the trend towards appropriate intervention and support for those escaping violent relationships has been upwards. A 1992 Home Office Enquiry resulted in a co-ordinated national response and emphasised multi-agency co-operation. There are now over 300 refuges throughout the country offering a wide range of services with specialist provision for women and children from differing ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Before I move on to examining the role New Labour have played in terms of safe housing provision it is important to look at exactly what it is that is needed by women and children escaping violence from men. The Conservative government's introduction of the ‘right to buy' programme has resulted in depleted council housing stock and social renting has developed into a residual sector (Conway 2000). Local authority housing has increasingly catered for a smaller range of people marginalized from mainstream society. Combined with the fact that households headed by women are at a disadvantage as a whole in the UK this results in further social inequality for those escaping domestic violence. Women need good quality housing in a safe environment with a responsive housing management. Access to suitable housing would include: ? A sensitive response to all applicants ? Day-to-day management support ? Specialist support staff ? Liaison with other services and agencies ? Benefits advice/debt counselling (Adapted from Conway 2000 p102) McGee (2000 p91) identified three main areas of support wanted by women escaping domestic violence: 1. Easily accessible information regarding sources of support. 2. Counselling. 3. Help for mothers in supporting the children to deal with their experiences. This final point is a particularly important one. Refuge financing does not take into account the numbers of children using refuges. There is no recognition of the existence of children, and the cost of providing for children, when there may be up to 18 children in a six-bedroom project (Women's Aid 2000a). Additionally to this, children are often extremely disturbed by the violence they have witnessed and the disruption in their lives, yet a quarter of all refuges have no funding for a specialist children's worker. Women from minority groups can face increased difficulty when escaping a violent partner. Racism especially plays a large part in dissuading black women from taking action to address violence from a partner. The reputation of the police is a significant factor in this. Mama (2000) notes that the police appear more ready to investigate cases of illegal immigration than to respond to cases of domestic violence. Despite attempts to challenge racism within the police force, officers on the ground have still been found to perpetrate the abuse via racism. The belief that violence against women is part of the black culture is one that appears especially resistant (Mama 2000). In terms of housing it is imperative for black women to be housed in an area which not only places her in an area away from the perpetrator but also ensures her safety from racism. Women, especially those with children, are more likely than men to be dependant upon social housing; for women from ethnic minority backgrounds this is even more so. The most crucial need of women, overwhelmingly in evidence, is that of safe permanent housing. The refuge movement has improved service provision for women considerably, but is limited by their ability to solely provide temporary housing for women and children. Only by statutory provision can this need be met. This would necessitate significant statutory change. Women who continue to live with a violent partner often give their fear of being homeless as their reason for remaining (Mama 2000), a valid one as evidence suggests. If New Labour is ‘committed to tackling domestic violence on every front'; this is the key area they need to be addressing. So, to evaluate the progress being made. Since coming to power, Labour have been keen to adopt a more progressive stance towards domestic violence than the Conservative rhetoric for supporting traditional families that arguably promoted male control over women. Publications such as ‘Living Without Fear' (1999) and the ‘Break the Chain' (1999) campaign were some of the platforms used by the Government to address this issue and encourage people to access help and support. Early evaluations of Labour's policy response to domestic violence have been cautious in supporting the Government's proposals. Hague (1999) acknowledges that both before and after election, Labour have been clear in their commitment to improving services for victims of domestic violence. However, she notes that there have been contradictions and lack of consistency in policy. Both Hague (1999) and Harwin and Barron (2000) draw attention to the fact that there are discrepancies between local authorities in terms of practice guidelines. There is no national policy to govern their practice and whilst many local authorities have recognised the serious nature of domestic violence, some less liberal authorities adopt a harsh view of the law, leaving many women and children in insecure and vulnerable positions in terms of housing. There is no single government office directly responsible for policy in this area; it falls between the Home Office, the Department of Environment and the Department of Health. A clear example of this is the research discussed later in this essay. This reiterates the findings published by the Government in ‘Tackling Domestic Violence' (1998) which considered how local authorities dealt with domestic violence and partnerships with other agencies. Based on evidence from local authorities it discovered evidence of inadequate funding and incomprehensive coverage (Wasoff and Dey 2000). In the publication ‘Government Policy Around Domestic Violence', little attention is paid to housing and accommodation despite the actuality it is recognised as a key issue. The key point states the Department of Environment, Transport and the Regions has worked with other Government agencies to commission research into accommodation and support services available to those suffering domestic violence. Harwin and Barron (2000) assessed the research in terms of accommodation provision; their key findings, published by the Home Office, include: ? Leaving the family home is a last resort and some would have stayed if security was improved ? Good practice by local authorities needs to be examined and assessed ? Problems with service provision still exists ? Official figures on homelessness due to violence are inaccurate and underestimate the extent of the problem ? In term of temporary accommodation, much is not appropriate for women with children and the length of stay in temporary accommodation is unacceptable The paper concludes that monitoring of domestic violence need to be improved in terms of how many applicants for housing as a result of violence are rejected and support services need to be improved, particularly resettlement services. A key area only to be addressed this year has been that of the Housing Act 1996 in relation to homelessness. Hague stated ‘If it [the Housing Act 1996] remains on the statute book under Labour, [it] is a license for less liberally-minded authorities to adopt harsh measures.' (Hague 1999 p144) With the Homelessness Act 2002, Labour has brought major changes to the statutory program of help for women who are homeless as a result of domestic violence (Delahay 2002). Whilst it makes no new environment for homelessness or housing allocation, the Act does contain some tangible revisions to the terms of the Housing Act 1996. Introduced is a new category of priority need for housing for ‘a person who is vulnerable as a result of ceasing to occupy accommodation by reason of violence from another person or threats of violence from another person which are likely to be carried out' Homelessness Act 2002 s10 Additionally, the proposed Code of Good Practice emphasises the safety of the applicant and maintaining confidentiality. The need to ‘prove' violence has been repealed and it has been accepted that the impact of violence or threatened violence can be cumulative. The impact of this legislative change is impossible to evaluate at present but it does represent a significant shift towards supportive measures for those experiencing violence. The Government has placed a great deal of focus upon developing a co-ordinated response towards domestic violence in terms of multi-agency partnerships. ‘Our overall goals are†¦to see effective multi-ageny partnerships operating throughout England and Wales' Living Without Fear (1999) Local authorities have been particularly responsive to these initiatives (Hague 1999) Examining the wider picture, increasing women's eligibility for housing will not have a real impact if this is not backed up by addressing the problem of residualisation. Labour is doing little to address this (Morley 2000) and could even be seen as exacerbating the issue by announcing in Autumn 2002 their intention to grant housing association tenants the right to buy which will further deplete social housing stock. In conclusion, there have been huge improvements in terms of support for women experience violence in the home, much of this directly attributable to the work of Women's Aid and other feminist groups. The Government's commitment to addressing this issue can only be positive but the overall picture remains one of ambivalence and lack of consistency in policy implementation. Continued lack of funding appears to remain the key issue in terms of housing and is holding back comprehensive intervention. Domestic violence is about control over women, a sentiment that thrives within the larger system of patriarchy within our society Our social order is antagonistic to the female gender. If domestic violence is about control, then our society enables men's control over women. As a whole, Labour's policy has a tendency towards liberalism (with a small ‘l'!), thereby neglecting policies that might encourage equality. It is important to acknowledge the increased prominence of domestic violence, however, fundamentally the Government falls short on its claim to be ‘tackling domestic violence on every front'. When a woman makes the important step of leaving an abusive relationship she faces a society that opposes her at every turn – lower pay, little accessible childcare, and significantly inadequate housing – no wonder the relationship begins to look attractive again.

Homeostasis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

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Research critique Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

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